Rudy, Reconsidered (January 2008)

I like Rudy Giuliani.  I hate abortion.  This was the dilemma I faced when deciding for whom to vote in the upcoming Republican primary.  Being a staunchly pro-life conservative Catholic, it somehow seemed wrong to vote for a candidate who has voiced his support for the legality, if not the morality, of a woman’s right to kill her unwanted child.  But as I closely followed the campaign and the candidates, I came to realize that his support for abortion rights is neither very deep, nor very consequential.  And in the process I reached the conclusion that Rudy Giuliani is the best man for the job of President of the United States.

Like every field of presidential hopefuls, the current crop of candidates is not perfect, but in order to advance our agenda conservatives must coalesce around whichever candidate ultimately wins the Republican nomination.  Some conservatives have once again been doing their level best to split the movement apart and thus dampen conservative turnout in the upcoming general election.  Focus on the Family’s James Dobson, for example, in a classic case of ‘casting the first stone’ uncharitably judged Rudy for various events in his personal life which are, quite frankly, none of his business.  Dobson vowed he “cannot, and will not, vote for Rudy Giuliani in 2008.”  Other conservatives have reached different conclusions: Free Congress Foundation’s Paul Weyrich left open the possibility of supporting the former Mayor (if he wins the nomination) as long as he makes certain commitments on issues such as abortion and gay-marriage.  And Evangelical leader and former presidential candidate Pat Robertson has endorsed Rudy for president.  For my part, though I will cast my primary vote for Rudy, I will support any of the top five Republicans (and the seventh) in this race against the eventual Democrat nominee if they win the nomination.

It is crucial that we conservatives rally round the eventual nominee because the last time self-righteous ideologues such as Dobson tried to punish Republicans for their apostasy on a small number of issues was in the 2006 mid-terms and had this predictable result: It elevated Charles Rangel to Chairman of the Ways and Means committee in the House, and Chuck Schumer to the Chairmanship of the Judiciary committee in the Senate.  As a result, the nomination of strict constructionist or originalist judges is at the mercy of the rabidly pro-abortion liberal Schumer and tax policy is in the hands of the leftist tax-and-spend Rangel.  Nice going, guys.

Each of the Republican candidates is flawed in one way or another: Mike Huckabee is a social conservative, but an economic liberal with a dubious record on law-enforcement.  John McCain is generally strong on foreign policy (his anti-water-boarding crusade being an exception), but his positions on taxes, immigration, campaign finance, and global warming, among others are repellent to the rank and file.  Fred Thompson and Mitt Romney generally support the conservative position on most issues, but the former Tennessee Senator lacks any real executive experience, while the former Massachusetts governor’s recent conversion on some of these issues smacks more of expedience than conviction.  And since Ron Paul is even less willing than the top three Democrat contenders to defend American interests abroad I shudder at the possibility, however remote, that he wins the nomination.  The knock on Rudy is that he is a social moderate – some would say liberal.  He has and does articulate positions on some social issues that are to the left of the Republican mainstream.  (I’ll explore the abortion issue in greater detail later).  This has always been, in terms of Republican electoral politics, his Achilles heel, but …

Then Achilles Turned Toward Troy

On the morning of September 11, 2001 everything changed.  Two commercial airliners loaded with Americans were hijacked by radical Islamic terrorists and, in an act of unmitigated evil and treachery, slammed into some of the most visible landmarks of American freedom.  This was more than a mere terrorist attack; it was an act of war.  The resultant toll in American blood was both appalling and horrific.  And it only turned out to be considerably less than initial estimates seemed to suggest because of the heroic efforts of hundreds of brave and selfless patriots in the NYPD, FDNY, PAPD, the U.S. Military, and civilians both on flight 93 and in the Pentagon and World Trade Center.  These men and women, most of whose acts of selfless courage will never be known because their stories died with them, responded with singular bravery in their country’s moment of need.

In the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, Rudy Giuliani, despite the personal grief caused by the loss of a number of close friends in the collapse of the Twin Towers, provided precisely the sort of strong and inspirational leadership displayed by Winston Churchill during WWII and the sort that was painfully and glaringly lacking in Louisiana in the wake of the Katrina disaster.  No one else in the presidential field has been tested in the crucible of this conflict’s front lines the way he has (Sen. McCain’s Vietnam experience notwithstanding).  And Rudy, perhaps more than any other candidate in this race, understands intrinsically the existential threat posed to Western freedom by the forces of radical Islamic jihad.  No one is as committed as he is to take this fight to the enemy and defeat them on their turf, and on our terms.

Leviathan in Chains

Many Republican candidates promise to govern as a conservative by reigning in the size, scope, and cost of government, but only one has actually done it; not only has Rudy Giuliani actually scaled back government, but he did it in the very belly of the beast: NYC.  In a typical display of leadership and fiscal discipline, Mayor Giuliani reduced the NYC workforce by roughly 20%, the welfare rolls by 60%, balanced a city budget that was hemorrhaging cash, and elevated the city’s bond rating to a 30-year high – all while cutting taxes by 9 billion dollars.  He accomplished all of this with a legislative body – the City Council – dominated by liberal Democrats.  This is an example of true conservative, supply-side governance.  No other candidate can match this record.  And the new tax plan announced by the Giuliani campaign promises to transfer these achievements to the federal government by slashing tax rates and eliminating many unfair and counter-productive taxes.  In contrast, Mike Huckabee recently defended his decision to raise taxes on Arkansans by explaining he did it to balance the state budget.  And John McCain opposed the Bush tax cuts from the start.  Whom should conservatives support, a man who has balanced budgets by raising taxes?  A Senator who has never managed a large budget and opposes tax cuts?  Or should we support a seasoned executive who has slashed taxes while balancing a massive budget?

Broken Windows, Broken Records

Upon taking office as mayor in 1994, Rudy Giuliani based the future of his entire administration on one key premise: If he could make NYC’s streets safe again, then the rest of his ambitious plan (economic growth, job creation, welfare reform, etc) was possible; if not, his would be the latest in a long string of failed mayoralties, bested – like his well-intentioned predecessors – by the wild, ungovernable metropolis he led.

His first order of business, then, was crime.  He tackled this problem with the same mixture of cool intelligence and bulldog tenacity which had become his trademark.  He began by appointing William Bratton as Police Commissioner and together they began the revolution which forever transformed the nature of policing in America.  They implemented the ideas of noted criminologist James Q. Wilson, the concept that by ignoring low-level crimes and being a reactive police force, criminality, even anarchy is encouraged; and conversely that by being proactive in posture and treating quality of life crimes seriously, that an atmosphere of order is created.  They implemented COMPSTAT – the system, inspired by Jack Maple, which tracks daily crime trends, devolves responsibility (and resources) to local precinct commanders, and holds those commanders responsible for crime in their jurisdiction.  He also instituted a policy even more radical in its uniqueness which allowed all the other changes to germinate and bear fruit:  he backed up his cops and told the racist, racial agitators to take a walk.

The result of these changes has been well-noted, but that makes them no less remarkable.  By the end of his term as mayor, overall crime in NYC had been reduced by half, murder by two-thirds.  And because his successor, Mike Bloomberg and his Police Commissioner Ray Kelly have, to their great credit, retained and furthered the innovations begun by Rudy Giuliani, crime continues to drop precipitously in NYC: there were fewer than 500 murders in the city in 2007 –a remarkable achievement considering the fact the there were well over 2,000 murders per year in the late 80’s and early 90’s – before Rudy took office.

While Democrats in congress and the Clinton Administration were debating the crime-fighting efficacy of midnight basketball and after-school programs, the NYPD, under the leadership of Rudy Giuliani was locking up felons, closing out open warrants, and vigorously prosecuting criminals.  The results of this approach speak for themselves.  The methods and techniques pioneered by Rudy Giuliani have been copied and implemented throughout the country resulting in a nationwide decline in crime unprecedented in US history.  Rudy Giuliani will bring with him to Washington this same knack for strong, effective leadership in reducing the size and cost of government and will wield the same innovative approach to border security/immigration enforcement and anti-terror efforts that he honed in cracking down on crime in New York.

Culture Warrior

Paradoxically, like President Bush Rudy Giuliani may be a victim of his own success.  Many Americans, as memories of 9/11 fade with the passage of time, are lulled into a false sense of security by the success of the Bush administration in preventing another major terrorist attack on U.S. soil for 6+ years.  Likewise, many people – New Yorkers included – forget what the City was like before it was tamed by America’s Mayor.

Times Square is a perfect example.  Like Iraq’s al-Anbar province circa 2004, it was, before Rudy’s tenure, a no-go zone (That is, unless you were packing heat and looking for trouble.)  In the early 90’s a person could not walk through ‘the crossroads of the world’ without slipping on a used condom and landing on a dirty needle.  Now, Times Square is a thriving, family-friendly tourist destination once again.

In 1995, before standing up to terrorists (let alone the State Department) was cool, he kicked Yasser Arafat out of Lincoln Center and in 2001 he refused to accept Saudi Prince Alwaleed bin Talal’s donation to the Twin Towers Fund after he (like Ron Paul) blamed America for the attacks on 9/11.  He took on and crushed (as a federal prosecutor, Justice Department official, and as mayor) organized crime in New York.  He took on the ACLU and the peddlers of pornography; he cut off public funding for the Brooklyn Art Museum for displaying blasphemy masquerading as art; he refused to meet with the vile race hustlers, let alone bow down before them as his predecessors had done; In fact, at his every opportunity to take an official stand in the culture wars, Rudy has taken an unapologetic and principled conservative one.

Abortion

Since Roe v. Wade, presidential power has been severely restricted with respect to abortion policy.  The U.S. Supreme Court’s 1973 ruling against state laws restricting abortion, like other activist court decisions, replaced federalism and the democratic process with the oligarchic rule of five unelected judges with lifetime tenure.  Overturning Roe v. Wade and restoring the Supreme Court to its proper status as a co-equal – not preeminent – branch of government is the immediate goal of the pro-life movement.  Once this is done, however, abortion policy will once again become a state issue, not a federal one.  It will be up to the 50 state legislatures to pass new laws outlawing the barbaric procedure.  What the next president can do is to appoint conservative, strict constructionist justices to the bench who will restore the proper balance between the three branches of government and overturn Roe.  The next president will, in all likelihood, have the opportunity to appoint as many as three new justices to the High Court.  Rudy Giuliani has committed to appointing just such men and women to the court.  In his National Review article endorsing Rudy last year, former Solicitor General (and possible High Court nominee?) Ted Olson wrote:

That is one very important reason why this conservative Republican is supporting Rudy Giuliani for president.  I know the qualities he will look for in the persons he will appoint to the Supreme Court and the lower federal courts: individuals of talent, quality, experience, integrity, intellect, and conscious of constitutional limits on judicial authority; men and women who will respect and defer to the wisdom of the framers of the Constitution and the rights of citizens to make policy through their elected representatives; jurists in the mold of Justices Scalia, Thomas, and Alito and Chief Justices Rehnquist and Roberts.

When a majority of the Supreme Court base their decisions on the Constitutions original meaning and the intent of its framers Roe v. Wade will be overturned because it was a decision based not on the Constitution but in spite of it.  And since Rudy has made the commitment to appoint such men and women to the court, his personal support for a woman’s right to an abortion should not prohibit pro-life conservatives from backing his candidacy.

Rudy Giuliani is a strong, principled conservative with the executive experience and leadership ability to lead our country and our party for the next four years and beyond.  No other candidate can match his record, his intelligence, his strength, his tenacity, or his commitment to limited government, free markets, low, pro-growth tax policies, a strong and vigorous military, secure borders, and an aggressive, America first foreign policy. As a New Yorker I witnessed first-hand how he imposed order and sanity on a city and government in chaos; a city ravaged by decades of liberal madness which had sapped it of its vitality and sent its middle class fleeing in droves.  Rudy did for New York what Ronald Reagan did for America: he restored a sense of pride in its people and hope for the future.  And just as Reagan prevailed over the threat of Soviet communism by confronting it head-on, Rudy will aggressively confront the current threat to liberty our country faces: radical Islamic jihad.  And ultimately, that is why I proudly support Rudy Giuliani for President.

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Christian Testimony in Romeo and Juliet (November 2007)

There are many themes evident in Shakespeare’s tragedy Romeo and Juliet: love, hate, youth, death, honor, fate, and conflict to name but a few.  There is another theme, however, which can be discerned throughout the play and is more easily overlooked: Christianity.  The Christian themes woven intricately into the plot by the Bard are quite subtle to be sure and do not represent an overt allegorical representation of the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus such as in, for example, C.S. Lewis’ The Chronicles of Narnia.  Rather, Romeo and Juliet is a tragedy in the classical Greek tradition but with a distinctly Christian twist.

William Shakespeare as a child of the Renaissance received the classical education typical in the schools of Western Christendom during the 16th century.  This education would have included, in addition to grammar, logic, and rhetoric, an immersion in Biblical studies and theology.  Thus he, along with all intellectuals in the Christian West, would have been extremely well-versed in Judeo-Christian doctrine and it is thus not surprising that myriad Christian threads are woven masterfully throughout the fabric of his verse.

He also would have read all of the great works of classical literature in the original Greek and Latin such as the tragedies of Sophocles and Euripides and the philosophy of Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle.  In Poetics, his classic treatise on literature, Aristotledefined good tragedy as that which “excite(s) pity and fear” in the audience as “these effects are those which…tragedy represents” (9, 10).  He argues this empathy produces the cathartic effect or emotional cleansing of the audience when the tragic hero(s) are those “whose misfortune is brought about not by vice or depravity, but by some error or frailty (10).  The vice that afflicts the Montague and Capulet families is the same that caused man’s original fall from grace through Adam’s transgression, and which caused Lucifer’s banishment from heaven: pride.  It is the pride and excessive sense of personal and familial honor that is at the root of the feuding families’ conflict.  In the case of the title characters their tragic flaw, or hamartia, is not vice or sin but youthful impetuosity as they fail to heed Friar Lawrence’s admonition to “love moderately” (2.6.14).

Another word for moderation is temperance, one of the four Cardinal Virtues in Christian canon.  According to the Catechism of the Catholic Church, temperanceisthe moral virtue that … ensures the will’s mastery over instincts and keeps desires within the limits of what is honorable” (497).  Clearly Romeo and Juliet, gripped as they are in the youthful rapture of romantic love, fail to practice moderation with tragic results.

The most important of the Christian sub-themes in this story is also the most important in the Christian narrative.  That is, the concept of self-sacrifice and the power of love to conquer all, including sin and death itself.  As Archbishop Fulton Sheen wrote in Life of Christ, explaining the centrality of the crucifixion to Christianity, “It was not so much that His birth cast a shadow on His life and thus led to His death; it was rather that the Cross was first, and cast its shadow back to His birth” (20).  It is here that the question of fate comes into play.  Just as our Blessed Lord, being the only Begotten of the Father, was born for the singular purpose of laying down His life to defeat sin (a purpose He freely accepted), so too are Romeo and Juliet (both the only begotten of their parents) fated to shed their blood for the greater good of reconciling the two warring families.  And Just as the Cross at Golgotha cast its imposing shadow upon the humble cradle in Bethlehem, the vile and the dagger in the tomb of the Capulet’s are the ever-present burden of the young lovers to bear.  In much the same way as the death of our Lord reconciled a rebellious race with the Father, they “with their death bury their parents strife” (prologue).

Thomas Jefferson once famously said “the tree of liberty must be refreshed, from time to time, by the blood of patriots and tyrants.” Likewise, the Tree of Life need be nourished by the Blood of the Innocent which must be spilt to expiate the sins of the guilty.  This theme is common to both Romeo and Juliet and the Christian Creed.

In both the Christian Gospel’s and Romeo and Juliet the apparent paradox exists of free-will co-existing with fate: whereas Jesus (who has referred to Himself as the Bridegroom) said in the Garden of Gethsemane, “O My Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass from me: nevertheless not as I will, but as thou wilt” (Matthew 26:39.)  Juliet said “O sweet my mother … Delay this marriage … Or if you do not, make the bridal bed in that dim monument (tomb) where Tybalt lies” (3.5.210-213)  And Romeo, dismissing the foreboding premonition of his grim fate he experiences before entering the Capulet’s party states, “but he that hath the steerage of my course direct my sail” (1.4.119)  In both cases the doomed accept their solemn responsibility, submitting to the will of God to serve the greater good, when they could have opted otherwise.

The role of Friar Lawrence in the play is critical to the Christian theme.  It is he who represents and promotes the Christian paradigm where most others are blissfully ignorant of its moral precepts.  It is he who repeatedly warns Romeo to control his ravenous desires.  And it is he who physically comes between Romeo and Juliet as they passionately embrace.  He does this not to forbid their union because of hate (as their families surely would), but only to delay its consecration until after they are joined in Holy Matrimony for the sake of their virtue which he seeks lovingly to protect.  And when Friar Lawrence first agrees to marry the young couple, he tells Romeo he will do so not merely for their own sakes, but “to turn your households’ rancor to pure love” (2.3.99).  Wittingly or not, each is playing their part in God’s plan.

It is at this point that events take their tragic turn.  The Friar, attempting to protect the virtue of the too eager young lovers while simultaneously preventing an explosion of strife on the streets of “fair Verona,” weds the young lovers surreptitiously while he considers how he might endeavor to convince the feuding families to accept the union and bury their mutual animosity.  This well-meaning deception sets in motion the chain of events leading to the tragic deaths of the “star-crossed lovers.”

When Romeo, having been swept up in the family tumult, kills Tybalt and is banished Juliet is left despondent.  And when she threatens to kill herself, Friar Lawrence concocts a potion that will give Juliet the appearance of death for a period of 42 hours, after which she is to awaken unharmed in her family tomb where Romeo is to meet her and whisk her away in the night.  This is reminiscent of the 3-day period between Jesus’ death and resurrection and His subsequent ascension into Heaven, but it begs the following question: why does Shakespeare use the number 42 instead of 24, 48, or 72 hours?  42 is the number of generations that passed between Abraham and Jesus in the biblical genealogy contained in Matthew’s gospel.  And it is the number of months (or 3 ½ years) that the anti-Christ will reign on earth, according to the Book of Revelations.  It may very well be that there is no real significance to the number he selected here; however, since 42 is a fairly significant number in the Christian Bible, it is worth considering if it has symbolic value to Shakespeare.

The penultimate scene in the play depicts the deaths of Romeo and Juliet within the stony walls of the Capulet tomb.  This is similar to the Easter scene in the Gospels.  When a morose Mary Magdalene goes to mourn at the tomb of Jesus only to find it empty, the reality of the Resurrection finally dawns upon the Apostles. With the help of the anointing by the Holy Spirit at Pentecost, they finally come to understand the true purpose of the Incarnation.  Heretofore Jesus’ closest followers viewed him more as a divine political leader than the Great Redeemer.  Likewise the Montague and Capulet families, upon beholding the fate of their beloved children in the tomb, finally recognize the folly and cost of their bitter feud.  As a result, they repent and vow to end it.  Love ultimately conquers.

While it was not necessarily meant to be a pure Christian allegory, the Christian themes to be found in Romeo and Juliet are, nevertheless many and manifest: self-sacrifice, the power of love, temperance, the tomb, Christian virtue, the Resurrection, and the dichotomy of fate co-existing with free-will are all prominent parts of the narrative.  These elements add to the rich literary mosaic of this masterpiece Shakespeare created which is at once aesthetically beautiful, emotionally vibrant, and morally edifying.  And while it fits Aristotle’s requirements of tragedy insomuch as it inspires pity and fear in the audience, it adds another element that was left out of the Greek narratives dominated by arbitrary and capricious gods: hope.

Works Cited

Aristotle. Poetics.  Translated by S. H. Bucher.  31 October 2007.    http://classics.mit.edu//Aristotle/poetics.mb.txt.

Catholic Church.  Catechism of the Catholic Church.  New York:  Doubleday, 1995.

King James Bible.  Atlanta: Lionheart Books, Ltd.  2000.

Shakespeare, William.  Romeo and Juliet. New York:  Washington Square Press, 1992.

Sheen, Fulton J.  Life of Christ.  New York: Doubleday, 1990.

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On the Galilee: Christian Themes in On the Waterfront (December 2007)

The award winning film, On the Waterfront, like all great Christian tales, is a story of personal redemption; it is also the classical heroic story of one man’s struggle to triumph over evil.   As a Christian hero, for the protagonist Terry Malloy, it is essential that, before he can confront his nemesis, he must first triumph against his own corrupted, fallen nature.  He does this with the help of two spiritual tutors who, through love and perseverance, guide him toward righteousness.

Written by Budd Schulberg and directed by Elia Kazan, the story centers round a group of Longshoremen in the New York City waterfront of the 1950’s.  Riddled with corruption, their union has ceased to serve the needs of its members and has become a vehicle to enrich its leaders through their control of the flow of goods through the port.  They exert this control through fear, intimidation, and occasionally murder.  The union boss is the ironically named Johnny Friendly – the manifestation of evil personified who garishly wears the Seven Deadly Sins like ornaments on a Christmas tree.  Against this backdrop, ex-pug Terry Malloy, the brother of Friendly’s right-hand man Charley, himself a low level member of the mob in control of the union becomes disillusioned with its corruption, particularly his part in it.

One of the two main characters who use appeals to Christian principles to convince Terry to come clean about union malfeasance is Edie Doyle, the sister of Joey Doyle – the first dockworker murdered by the mob for cooperating with the Waterfront Commission’s investigation of corruption in the union – a murder in which Terry unwittingly participated.  While discussing moral principles over a pint, Terry says, “Want to hear my philosophy?  Do it to him before he does it to you.”  To which she replies “Our Lord said just the opposite.”  His response, a classic example of ironic foreshadowing, is, “I’m not looking to get crucified; I’m looking to stay in one piece” (63).  It is this armor of selfish cynicism which she and Father Barry, the local parish priest must chip away.

One of the most powerful scenes in the film is the homily/eulogy delivered by Father Barry over the body of the “martyred” Kayo Dugan – Johnny Friendly’s second murder victim in the film.  In this speech he says that taking a man’s life “to stop him from testifying is a crucifixion” and that “anybody who sits around and lets it happen, keeps silent about something he knows has happened-shares the guilt of it…”  He says that Christ sees “them selling their souls to the mob for a day’s pay” (79).  And when Terry later pleads, “If I spill [my guts], my life won’t be worth a nickel,” Father Barry responds, “How much is your soul worth if you don’t” (87).

The power of this scene derives not only from its emotional impact, but the way in which, through fidelity to Catholic doctrine, it transforms the worker’s struggle from a mere socio-economic one in which the men can feel free to play by Friendly’s rules (if doing so is the condition for getting paid) to an objectively moral one in which their acquiescence is inherently evil.  Viewed in this context, to not resist Friendly is a sin of omission, thus it is a moral duty for Christians on the dock to testify against him regardless of the personal peril such testimony will entail.  This moment is transformative: both by his words and the example of his courage the men begin to coalesce around the idea of standing up to the mob boss and his goons.  Indeed, it is here that Terry Malloy, the heretofore conflicted “bum” who unwittingly led Joey Doyle to his death on Friendly’s orders defends Father Barry by punching out one of his persecutors – union thugs who try to intimidate the priest into silence.  Ultimately, however, the other men will require one more nudge-this time from one of their own-before they are fully ready to oppose Friendly.

The end of this scene contains the rather dramatic visual image of Father Barry being hoisted aloft out of the ship’s hold reminiscent of the Ascension of Christ into Heaven forty days after His Resurrection from the dead.

There is, in addition to Father Barry’s admonitions and example, another force at work within the hearts of the men which both Edie Doyle and Father Barry seek to exploit by chiseling away the layers of worldly cynicism obscuring its presence: conscience.  On different occasions, both the priest and Edie appeal to Terry’s conscience to convince him to serve the interests of justice.  When Terry is wrestling with the dilemma of betraying his crooked friends and brother on the one hand or going to the authorities to bring the killers to justice and liberate the workers from the union’s tyranny on the other, Father Barry say’s, “I’m not asking you to do anything, Terry.  It’s your own conscience that’s got to do the asking.”  To which Terry replies ruefully, “conscience…I didn’t even know I had one until I met you and Edie…this conscience stuff can drive you nuts” (89).

The concept of conscience is an important one in Catholic theology.  It is through this mechanism that those not formally schooled in The Law may still abide by its precepts.  The New Testament states that doers and not merely hearers of the law shall be justified.  It says that when those “which have not the law, do by nature the things contained in the law “ it is this “law written in their hearts, their conscience also bearing witness” that guides them to righteousness (Romans 2:12-15).  In is also written: “I will put my law into their hearts” (Hebrews 10:16).  Since Terry does not appear to be a church-going man steeped in Christian moral teaching, it is this law, written in his heart, which he must ultimately choose over his baser impulse of self-preservation through accommodation of evil.  And it is to this Law of Conscience which his mentors appeal in their effort to enlist his leadership in the struggle against the evil Johnny Friendly.

When their appeals finally wear him down and he decides to testify against his former boss, his brother Charley is murdered as punishment.  Enraged, Terry grabs a gun and hunts for Friendly to visit vengeance upon him.  Once more Father Barry must intervene and guide him back to the Christian Way for “Vengeance is mine saith the Lord” (Romans 12:19).

Just as in the Garden of Gethsemane, where Jesus rebukes Peter for using his sword to cut off the ear of Malchus – a servant of the high priest – when he came to arrest Him (John 18:10), Father Barry scolds Terry for seeking to avenge his brother’s murder through violence: “You want to fix him for what he did to Charley?  Fight him tomorrow in the courtroom – with the truth…” This admonition is a theologically profound one since, a short time before Gethsemane, at the last supper, Jesus had said to His Disciples, “I am the way, the truth, and the life” (John 14:6).  By giving testimony to the commission at great personal risk rather than seeking violent retribution, Terry will be fighting for justice not merely with the truth of his testimony, but also with The Incarnate Truth of Christ, for as Father Barry had said “Christ is always with you” (83).

The period of time between Gethsemane and the Resurrection was, for the followers of Jesus, one of fear, trepidation, and betrayal demonstrated most poignantly by the denials of St. Peter as foretold by his Master.  After the Resurrection and anointing by the Holy Spirit at Pentecost they were emboldened by faith and the example of Christ’s sacrifice to “pick up their crosses and follow Him” (Mark 8:34).  What followed were great acts of courage and self-sacrifice; all they needed was His example to follow.  Likewise, the workers on the dock need more than just the words of Father Barry to embolden them to action; they require a leader whose example they can follow.  Terry Malloy becomes that leader.

When he first confronts Johnny Friendly after testifying, Terry is utterly alone; no one has the physical or moral courage to stand with him.  Alone he faces the mob boss and his henchmen in a scene that is striking in its visual parallels with the Catholic Stations of the Cross: like Jesus, Terry alone but undaunted willingly accepts his scourging (though in his case, Terry, unlike Christ Who was born for the Cross, fights back); Edie, like St. Veronica, wipes his face to ease the pain; Fr. Barry, like St. Simon of Cyrene, helps him to his feet.  And after witnessing this act of courageous and righteous defiance of evil, the workers on the dock, like faithful Christians following Jesus after His resurrection, fall in dutifully behind Terry as he walks through the threshold and into the pier in triumph.  Like Christ, he was beaten but not defeated.

In the beginning Terry Malloy was a sinner, a bum, and a follower.  Through faith and repentance he is transformed into a leader and a man of high ideals and principles.  He has picked up his cross and followed Him and in the process, like the young David, he has slain a giant.

Works Cited

King James Bible.  Atlanta: Lionheart Books, Ltd.  2000.

Schulberg, Budd.  On the Waterfront.  Hollywood, Ca: Samuel French Trade, 1980.

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Darwin’s Lapdog Thinks You’re an ID-iot! (November 2007)

In his recent column on Humanevents.com Mac Johnson, a man whose writing I’ve always admired, claimed that the concept of Intelligent Design is a “really, really bad idea –scientifically, politically, and theologically.”  He attacked ID using the usual list of specious arguments, distortions, and straw-man fallacies commonly used by the minions of scientism.  Since I wrote rather extensively on the subject in a previous article, I won’t rehash it all here in detail.  However, I felt the need to respond to at least some of the theological garbage spewed by Johnson in this piece.

The appellation ‘Darwin’s Lapdog’ is a tribute to Johnson’s predecessor Thomas Huxley.   Popularly known as ‘Darwin’s Bulldog,’ Huxley, a contemporary of Darwin, had two mitigating factors in his favor which Johnson cannot claim: First, he was an avowed agnostic (in fact he coined the term,) while Johnson claims to believe in God; and second, Huxley, unlike Mac Johnson, didn’t have the advantage of 150 years of scientific research which utterly failed to prove Darwin’s theory.

Johnson claims that “ten years ago, ID had enough confidence and honesty to go by its birth name, creationism.  Whereas today, it has been dressed up in a lab coat and a mail-order PhD…”  This petty attack on the credentials of the scientists studying ID and the thousands of doctors and scientists who are on record doubting Darwinism is another favored tactic of the left.  His over-simplified and inaccurate description of ID has already been addressed by the Discovery Institute, the world’s preeminent ID think-tank: “the charge that ID is ‘creationism’ is a rhetorical strategy on the part of Darwinists who wish to delegitimize ID without actually addressing the merits of its case.”  They continue, “Creationism typically starts with a religious text and tries to see how the findings of science can be reconciled to it.  ID starts with the empirical evidence of nature and seeks to ascertain what scientific inferences can be drawn from that evidence.”  This is the first of many straw-man logical fallacies with which Johnson clumsily tries to prove his point.

Johnson claims that ID is not scientific because “it predicts nothing, since it essentially states that everything is the way it is because God wanted it that way.”  In fact, ID begins, according to the Discovery Institute, with the hypothesis that “if a natural object was designed, it will contain high levels of complex and specified information.  Scientists then perform experimental tests upon natural objects to determine if they contain complex and specified information.”  They cite the concept of irreducible complexity as one example.  This conforms to the scientific method of hypothesis, experimentation, and observation, leading to a conclusion.

Johnson, who claims to believe in God and may or may not be Catholic, mocks the idea of a Creator- the most fundamental of the underlying pillars of Judeo-Christian doctrine; one simply cannot be a Christian if he rejects the concept of a Creator.  The Catechism of the Catholic Church states, “God himself created the visible world in all its richness, diversity, and order.”  It further states, “The world began when God’s word drew it out of nothingness; all existent beings, all of nature, and all of human history are rooted in this primordial event, the very genesis by which the world was constituted and time began.”

The only scriptural reference he uses in defense of Darwin is from the extra-Biblical apocryphal Gospel of Thomas, a rather opaque quote attributed to Jesus: “If the flesh came into being because of the spirit, that is a marvel; but if the spirit came into being because of the body, that is a marvel of marvels.  Yet I marvel at how this great wealth has come to dwell in this poverty.”   It is more likely this quote refers to the Incarnation of God as man in the Person of Jesus Christ than an endorsement of Darwinian evolutionary theory; but, nevertheless, its use proves Johnson found little validation for Darwinism in the actual Bible.

Bizarrely, he uses an out of context quote from St. Thomas Aquinas (“In the end, we know God as unknown”) to bolster his claims.  I wonder why he didn’t pick the following quote from Aquinas’ Shorter Summa:  “multiplicity and distinction occur in things not by chance or fortune but for an end…multiplicity in things is not explained by the order obtaining from intermediate agents, as though from one simple first being there could proceed directly only one thing that would be far removed from the first being in simplicity, so that multitude could issue from it, and thus, as the distance from the first simple being increased, the more numerous a multitude would be discerned.  Some have suggested this explanation.  But we have shown that there are many things that could not have come into being except by creation, which is exclusively the work of God, as has been proved.”  He goes on to write, “the multiplicity and distinction existing among things were devised by the divine intellect.”  Sounds a bit like intelligent design, huh Mac?

In lieu of any actual argument, Johnson, like all Darwin sycophants, continually uses the straw-man tactic of culling the evolutionary examples he cites from the domain of micro-evolution – the universally accepted (and scientifically observable) concept that small changes occur within a given species such as when a bacterium develops a resistance to antibiotics – rather than citing an example of macro-evolution, or how one species transmogrifies over time into an entirely new species.  There is a very simple reason for this sleight-of-hand: there is no evidence to support this, the cornerstone of Darwin’s theory – even after 150 years of looking.

In the 17th century, scientist/philosopher Pascal posited his famous wager: It is better to wager that God is because if you win, you gain all; if you lose, you lose nothing.  If you wager God is not, you gain nothing if you win; if you lose, you lose all.  An obvious concomitant to this would be: If He is, then we should honor Him and His works, not mock them.  Otherwise the wager is a mere intellectual exercise and really quite useless.  For his part, Johnson, with customary humility, and heedless of the implications of Pascal’s famous wager repeatedly mocks the God of creation:  “I spend most of my time as a pharmaceutical researcher thinking about how to correct the commonly occurring mistakes of our allegedly intelligent body design” (emphasis added) And this: “wouldn’t an omniscient designer have come up with a countermeasure to malaria that, say, wouldn’t kill so many innocent children.”  And how about this for a stunning example of child-like theological ignorance: “…have you ever thought about what sort of God it implies we have?” (It being the idea that God made the AIDS virus, smallpox, and polio.)    Disease and death, in Christian belief, are the wages of original sin – man’s fall from grace through Adam’s transgression – and are the very reason God sent a Redeemer through Whom death may be defeated and eternal life obtained.  Maybe a little less time in the laboratory and a bit more in Sunday school might have paid dividends.

Since he mocks and ridicules the concept of a Just God Who created man in His image, and asserts God had nothing to do with the diversity of life we see all around us, it begs a simple question: just what kind of God does he believe in?  What role does he assign God in this new religion he has created outside of scripture and revelation?

If Mac Johnson feels he must defend Darwinism (and he is certainly more qualified than me in this area,) that is his right; but since he clearly has no idea what Intelligent Design theory really is, and is even more ignorant of basic theological concepts, perhaps Mac Johnson (and his readers) would have been well-served by listening to the advice of one of his apparent ancestors, the Geico caveman, before writing this article: “How about a little research first?”  And his argument would be more effective if he refrained from the usual straw-man tactic of pretending the ID community rejects micro-evolution and instead produce some evidence to support his position on the real point of contention in this debate: that man was not created by a loving God in His image, but rather developed by mere happenstance along with every other form of life on the planet, over millions of years from a single common ancestor.  I won’t hold my breath.

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The Problem of Secular Scientism (April 2007)

It has become an accepted tenet of conventional wisdom to begin all discussions about science and nature with the understanding that religion has no place in such debates and that, in fact, faith is diametrically opposed to reason and scientific thought.  To this end the concept of classical education, including any mention of God has been thoroughly removed from all Western public schools and replaced with a rather drab and mundane scientism.  This, however, need not be and was not always the case; in fact, Christian scholars had been on the cutting edge of scientific thought since the Middle Ages and the application of human reason to theological and later scientific questions has been a hallmark of Christianity since its very beginning – a fact which is evident to anyone who has read the work of Augustine and Aquinas, among others.  How, then, did this notion of religion as the enemy of science first take root?  And what are the dangers it poses to man and society?

The rise of radical secularism in philosophy and government first emerged as a formidable force in eighteenth century France and was characterized by an antipathy to objective moral standards and a belief in the perfectibility of man which spawned the humanist search for an egalitarian utopia and led to the horrors of the French Revolution.  When this political philosophy was apparently validated by science, it proved to be a witches’ brew which led directly to the bloodiest century in human history, the twentieth.

Its manifestation in science (the consequences of which I will discuss later) came about a century later with the publication, in 1859, of Charles Darwin’s Origin of Species.  In this landmark book the British naturalist was the first to present a cogent evidentiary argument in favor of the theory he labeled natural selection – the theory that all life on earth evolved naturally – and quite by accident – from a single common ancestor over millions of years.  This work and the strong feelings it inspired in its supporters and opponents alike marked the fork in the road which permanently split science from religion.

In his much vilified, yet misunderstood Papal address at the University of Regensburg on September 12, 2006 Pope Benedict XVI lamented this gradual severing, by Western academics, of faith from reason – a process he believes has done great harm to both theology and science.  He also compared the secular left’s adherence to relativism to Islam’s concept of the nature of God as not bound by reason, contrasting these concepts with the Christian tradition (inherited, in part, from the Greeks) of a rational God in whose image rational man was made.  Christian doctrine teaches that God in creating the physical universe bound it to immutable laws and thus there is a divine order to it that may be theorized upon, observed, and explained by man.  To Christians proof of God’s adherence to His laws may be deduced from His incarnation in the person of Jesus Christ for the purpose of the redemption of man before God.  Were He so inclined and not bound by His own nature, God may have simply forgiven man for his rebellion without ‘putting on’ human form to suffer and die on the cross.  That He chose the latter is clear proof to Christians of the existence of a Divine order to the universe.

This uniquely Christian concept is precisely the reason science developed in Medieval Europe and not in the East.  Christianity then is not the enemy of science; on the contrary, properly understood, the Christian faith and reason are the two inseparable sides of a single coin.

Nevertheless, in his 1890 Autobiography Darwin’s friend and apologist Thomas Henry Huxley (1825-1895), who famously debated Darwin’s theories with Bishop Samuel Wilberforce (1805-1873) at Oxford University in 1860, wrote that religion “is the deadly enemy of science.” In 1880 he published an essay entitled Science and Culture in which he argued that religion and classical scholarship should be replaced by science as the focus of education.

To the extent Huxley’s essay helped form the foundation of the secular scientific movement this movement was built on very shaky ground indeed.  In it he grossly distorts many of the main pillars of Christian doctrine, replacing them with an offensive and false caricature which tended to support his agnosticism.  He claimed that Christian belief taught that “all material existence was but a base and insignificant blot upon…the spiritual world, and that nature was, to all intents and purposes, the playground of the devil.” This assertion contradicts the classical Christian concept that evil is merely a corruption of the good and that when God first beheld the physical universe He “saw everything that He had made, and it was very good.” (Genesis 1:31)  This dismissive and erroneous remark of Huxley’s is also contradicted by the Christian belief that in the last days, Jesus will return to resurrect His elect into new physical bodies to inhabit the new earth.  Clearly the physical universe is seen by Christians not as “base and insignificant” but as God’s crowning achievement, His masterpiece.

Huxley also mocked the fact that Christians “learned that the earth is the center of the visible universe” while ignoring the fact that virtually every culture in history – Christian, pagan, and secular alike – held this belief prior to the breakthroughs of Christian scientists such as Copernicus, Galileo, and Kepler.  He neglects to mention that the scientific achievements of these Christians in no way contradict true Christian theology.  And he also fails to acknowledge that such theories as heliocentrism and evolution were questioned just as vigorously by dissenting contemporary scientists as ecclesiastical authorities.  And the house arrest (it was not a death sentence as popularly believed) which was imposed upon Galileo by the Church in 1633 was punishment for his defiance of a Papal edict not to advocate his theory as fact (only to offer arguments for and against it) until it had been proven scientifically.  The fact that heliocentric theory has since been disproven (The sun is the center of our solar system, not the universe) seems to be lost on the secular scientific community; in retrospect it appears the Church was correct to urge caution.

In response to Huxley, the conservative poet Matthew Arnold (1822-1888) published an essay, Science and Literature, which defended classical education against this creeping scientism.  In it he writes, “those who are for giving to natural knowledge, as they call it, the chief place in education of the majority of mankind, leave one important thing out of their account: the constitution of human nature.”  He adds, “The instinct for beauty is set in human nature, as surely as the instinct for knowledge is set there, or the instinct for conduct.”  As Arnold suggests, Huxley’s belief that science should replace the study of literature, history, and religion in education is far too narrow and leads to a very dangerous place.  That is, a purely science based education devoid of the restraints placed upon it by a background in ethics and morality and reinforced by a historical knowledge of the cruel lengths to which men will go to control and dominate his fellow man is simply to sow the seeds of chaos and war to be reaped by posterity.  Huxley, a Hobbesian at heart should have understood the existential danger such a philosophy poses to civilization.

Huxley also curiously states that man, unlike other animals, is endowed with a “moral sense and with freedom of the will.”  It is unclear from his writing whether he feels this moral sense is due to biology or culture but what is clear is the inherent contradiction in such a belief without acknowledging the Author of such a moral sense: a purely biological or cultural morality would, by definition, differ according to time and place; but as C.S. Lewis pointed out in his books Mere Christianity and the Abolition of Man the universal moral code, written on the heart of human beings, has remained unchanged throughout recorded history.  It is true, of course, that certain individuals, such as the sociopath, may have been born without this inner knowledge of right conduct, but to say this proves it does not exist is like saying that since some are born lactose intolerant it follows that humans have no capacity to digest dairy foods; or that because some are born color-blind that proves there are no colors in the visible universe.

There is also a distinct difference between moral virtue and mere convention.  When a person enters into a home in Japan without removing his shoes he is guilty in that culture of bad manners.  In the United States, when a person removes his shoes upon entering a home, it is considered presumptuous and in poor taste.  This is a purely cultural difference and is not evidence of an inner or universal morality.  On the other hand, to cut your hosts throat while stealing his watch would violate the God-given universal moral code prohibiting such acts.  The immorality of such an act is a fact which transcends both time and place and was acknowledged as such by every civilization in recorded history.

In any event, this idea of science without the moral restraints of revelation, tradition, faith, and conscience – restraints explicitly rejected by the radical secularist followers of Darwin and Huxley – may have been due to what Lewis has called “chronological snobbery” or the belief that the current age need learn nothing from previous ones.  Whatever the cause the results are self-evident: when given free in Europe, 19th century pseudo-science, detached from faith and coupled with the bastard step-children of 18th century secular political philosophy – namely the ideas of men like Marx and Nietzsche – can quickly become a Frankenstein’s monster.  When the Godless, humanist political movements ascendant in the eighteenth century, which already lacked a firm moral foundation, were seemingly confirmed by the theories of agnostic science and augmented by an equally amoral pursuit of scientific knowledge, the results were truly horrifying.  With the clarity of hind-sight we see what should have been predictable: that however unintentional, the ‘progress’ begun by these secular scientists inevitably led to the practical efforts of people like Margaret Sanger and Adolf Hitler.  After all, what are abortion, eugenics, the creation of a master race, and the final solution if not an acceleration of Darwin’s principle of natural selection?  Is this not Social Darwinism writ large?

The dogmatic pursuit of scientific knowledge artificially divorced from the reality of a Creator is a corruption of the scientific method as practiced by men of science since the Christian Scholastics founded the world’s first universities in the Middle Ages.  When scientific progress began to be viewed as its own end rather than as a means to achieve some higher moral purpose, it became corrupted not by religion but by hostility to it.  Indeed history’s greatest scientists such as Galileo, Newton, and Copernicus were all faithful Christians.  In fact Newton spent more time studying the Bible than the cosmos.  And Darwin, arguably the founder of the secular scientific movement, only lost his own faith in Christ after his ten year old daughter died in 1851.  It is entirely possible that his motivation in pursuing his hypothesis was, for the grieving father, more a bitterly personal quest to disprove the existence of God then a dispassionate pursuit of truth.

When science lost its moral foundation through hostility to religion it became preyed upon by another corrupting influence: politics.  And once infected thus, science slowly transmogrified into scientism, or the religious advocacy (by elites within the scientific, academic, journalistic, and government communities) of consensus-based theories whereby a majority-rule mentality takes the place of the traditional scientific method.  Under this system theories need not be proven, only agreed upon, and once agreed upon, these dogmatic beliefs become the stuff of enforced orthodoxy and woe to anyone who dissents from the majority.

 

This new scientism is then used as a means to justify extreme and dangerous political orthodoxies.  It is how the dubious and scientifically unsupported claims (namely that the use of pesticides to control mosquito populations have a catastrophic ripple effect across the food chain) of an obscure writer named Rachel Carson led to the ban on the use of DDT as an insecticide, which in turn resulted in the loss of tens of millions of lives to a disease (malaria) which had been all but eradicated by Western science.  The human cost, particularly in Africa, was disregarded by a preening elite of self-satisfied Western secularists who abused science to institute a new and infinitely more insidious form of imperialism affecting mostly poor, third world people.  One wonders how long the ban would have lasted had it been Europeans dropping dead by the thousands daily.

Similarly dubious scientific claims are made to oppose such things as over-population, man-made climate change, the use of bio-engineered foods, and nuclear power.  These are clearly political movements dressed up as science and have some truly bizarre results.  For example, some proponents of secular scientism are in the weird position of rejecting the consumption by humans of bio-engineered foods while supporting efforts (through cloning, selective abortion, euthanasia, DNA manipulation, embryonic stem-cell cultivation, etc.) to bio-engineer human beings themselves!  They then propose to mitigate the unproven harmful effects of the consumption of bio-engineered foods by increasing the malnutrition and starvation which inevitably result from its ban.

They seek to save the planet from the scourge of global, ‘man-made’ climate catastrophe, but rather than applying their collective genius to the task of learning how mankind can best cope with the realities of a warming planet, they seek instead to prove that man himself, through capitalism is to blame for the phenomenon.  They do this in spite of the similar warming (and cooling) trends throughout geological history and on several other planets in our solar system uninhabited by man – a clear indication that the phenomenon is solar, not man-made.  They then seek, in spite of the potential cost of millions of lives through the likely increase in poverty caused by the implementation of such radical eco-political policies as the Kyoto Protocols, to limit the potential for global economic growth through their opposition to the use of such technologies as nuclear power and the burning of fossil fuels needed by modern economies by overstating their harmful effects.  These restrictions will impact worst those in the developing world least able to withstand the economic repercussions.  This is not a magnanimous or moral application of science for the betterment of mankind, this is raw power politics.  The cosmopolitan proponents of centralized, global power here seek to use science not to serve, but to control.  And as such it is entirely appropriate that, as Mac Johnson has pointed out on National Review Online, that Earth Day is celebrated on the anniversary of the birth of Communist pioneer Vladimir Lenin.  It appears green is the new red.

This is the terrible paradox in which the secular scientific community finds itself: because they cannot acknowledge that God created the Universe and gave man dominion over the earth they must often advocate public policy positions which adversely affect mankind in favor of other species or the planet itself.  They are presumably in the curious position of preferring poor Africans have less access to clean water, adequate sanitation, and economic opportunity so that polar bears can have more glacial ice on which to hunt.

Secular scientists are afflicted with a sort of tunnel vision: they see only that which is directly in front of their face; anything on the periphery is ignored or rejected.  The existence of a Creator is the most prominent example and is the most reasonable assumption one can make to account for the universe.  This is not to say that we must blindly accept the story of creation as explained in the first chapter of Genesis as literal truth; in fact St. Augustine, perhaps the greatest of the Church Fathers, cautioned against such an overly-literal interpretation.

In the biblical account of creation God is said to have completed His work in six days; but are these days the same as ours – that is one complete rotation of the earth on its axis?  Perhaps; but since He created not one but billions of stars, it is reasonable to consider whether the scriptural “day” is the equivalent of our twenty-four hours or something much more.  In fact in 2 Peter it is said “With the Lord a day is like a thousand years.”  But since in the beginning God created time this day can mean virtually anything.  Christian’s believe that for God time is not merely linear or progressive as we understand it.  For God yesterday, today, and tomorrow are the same.  This is the reason the concepts of ‘free will’ and ‘destiny’ are not necessarily contradictory: just because God has already seen what decisions we will make does not mean we were not free to make different ones.

It is entirely possible that were God to have revealed the Book of Genesis not to Bronze Age man but to us moderns with our relatively sophisticated understanding of physics and mathematics He would be more technically specific and less cryptic or symbolic.  But since the story of creation was revealed over three thousand years ago it may have been allegorical or a condensed version of the whole story mankind was then capable of understanding just as later, during His ministry on earth, Jesus would use parable when teaching all but His closest disciples.  The fact is, the Bible was not meant to be merely a recitation of history but rather a guide by which mankind may be redeemed before God.  In this respect, it is entirely appropriate that the geological history of the earth is given just a cursory treatment.  In the fullness of time the truth will be revealed.  In the meantime, we can think on it, study it and draw educated conclusions; but I’d wager that in the end these will tend to confirm the Biblical accounts – not contradict them.

Nevertheless, being neither a scientist nor theologian I do not pretend to have the answer to such questions; being a man of both faith and reason I do accept God as creator because without Him we (scientists included) are in the impossible position of explaining how everything came from nothing.

The secular scientists, on the other hand, refuse to accept the idea of a Creator, thus they seek not merely to explain the orderly functions of His creation but to rationalize away the very existence of God Himself.  And here we see another paradox: the self-appointed paragons of reason and human intellect are doomed to fail in their futile search for ultimate truth and meaning in the universe because these answers lie in the one place they cannot look.

Moving from creation to evolution, it is Darwin’s contention that man was not created by a loving God but developed, perhaps in some mystical primordial soup – growing and shedding, through the process of natural selection, limbs and organs along the way.  If this is true then the conduct of all earth’s creatures, including man, must be ruled by what is merely individually expedient to ensure survival so that one might pass on favorable genes to the next generation.  This process, if true, would also mean such virtuous but self-defeating human instincts as altruism, mercy, tolerance, and self-sacrifice would have been bred out of existence many thousands of generations ago.  In the place of such virtues, Darwinism gives an intellectual stamp of approval to such vices as selfishness, cruelty, and intolerance as mere physical survival becomes the main concern of all men rather than worries about the salvation or damnation of the eternal soul.  This is the slippery-slope of secular scientism.

On a more technical level, the unreasonable and almost religious adherence to Darwin’s evolutionary theory and the concomitant nature worship it inspires in the secular scientific community and its supporters is quite problematic: one hundred fifty years after his theory was first postulated enough unresolved issues (The problem of spontaneous generation of life, a complete absence of transitional species in the fossil record, the Cambrian explosion, lack of evidence to support macro-evolution, the concept of irreducible complexity, etc.) remain to render his theory just that – a theory.  These problems include issues Darwin himself anticipated and hoped future scientists would resolve.  Yet in spite of the unsettled status of the theory, skeptics and dissenters are routinely dismissed, mocked, and black-listed so quickly by believers it makes the inquisition seem positively tolerant and open-minded by comparison.  It is indeed an ironic twist that to the extent the prospect of being labeled a heretic by the Church was among the reasons for the birth of this peculiar movement it has itself tolerated no dissent from its often unsupported consensus beliefs.  Like the Rwandan Hutus turning the tables on the Tutsi, the oppressed have become the oppressor.    Why?  Because to question evolution is to put God back into the picture and this is simply unacceptable to those whose religion is secular scientism.  Like the pagans of old their god is creation, not its Creator; thus to question their theories is akin to denying the resurrection of Christ to a Christian or the prophet-hood of Mohammad to a Muslim.

On the question of evolution there is no clear consensus among believing Christians, however the Catholic Church, for its part, while taking no official position on the subject is nevertheless open to the concept of Theistic evolution – the theory that if Darwin’s evolving species’ were dominoes, then it was God’s hand that set them up and toppled the first one.  Since I myself am not a scientist the details of the scientific debate here are beyond both my capacity and the purposes of this essay; however from my (layman) point of view, I would say that believing mankind and this wonderful and orderly universe of ours ‘just happened’ through a series of accidents is akin to suggesting that random chunks over time fell from a block of marble to reveal the form of the Blessed Mother cradling the lifeless body of our Lord Jesus rather than crediting the vision, inspiration, talent, and genius of Michelangelo for creating the Pieta.  Likewise one simply cannot fully understand or explain nature without an acknowledgement of and appreciation for its Creator.

Clearly faith in God need not and should not be a disqualifier when discussing scientific questions.  A proper foundation in the moral as well as the physical laws of God’s glorious creation should be a requirement of a well-rounded educational curriculum.  And the moral restraints placed upon science by faith need not be a hindrance to discovery and progress, but merely a rudder to help point progress in the proper direction.  And if this means that certain core beliefs of the secular scientific community need to be re-evaluated this does not mean mankind is regressing to a past mired in superstition and unreason because to paraphrase C.S. Lewis, if we have made a wrong turn somewhere along the line we will be no nearer our destination by stubbornly continuing on; it is truly progressive at such times to double back to where you veered off track and find the proper path.

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The Mush Doctrine (November 2006)

Some months ago, I wrote an essay analyzing and defending the basic tenets of what is known as The Bush Doctrine, comparing it favorably to the realist school of foreign policy it replaced.  Sadly, the Churchilian fortitude and visionary leadership heretofore provided by President Bush that is required to successfully implement this new paradigm was dealt a potentially fatal blow by the election results of November 7, 2006.  Already, many troubling signs point to a dilution if not an outright repudiation of this policy by the Administration in the wake of the electoral disaster.   However, before we rush headlong into a realist revival and betray, once again, those people we have encouraged to grasp the fleeting chance at freedom this new policy has provided, it is vital that we first analyze the reasons for the seeming failure of the Bush Doctrine to bear acceptable short-term results and the possible long-term ramifications of the change of course now being considered.

The Bush Doctrine, implemented in the wake of the 9/11 attacks on the United States has three main prongs: 1) The linkage of terrorist groups to their state sponsors and the promise to hold both equally responsible for acts of terrorism against U.S. interests; 2) The right retained by the United States to act preemptively to eliminate threats to U.S. security before they fully materialize; and 3) The commitment by the administration to encourage the spread of free, moderate, and democratic governments in the Middle East – particularly in those countries where the U.S. has acted to topple a regime deemed a threat to U.S. interests.

To date the Bush Doctrine has seen many successes including the toppling of the barbaric and repressive regimes in Afghanistan and Iraq and the emergence of moderate and democratically elected governments there; the unconditional renunciation of terrorism and the pursuit Weapons of Mass Destruction by Libyan strongman Muammar Gaddafi and the concomitant restoration of diplomatic relations with the U.S.; the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon; the modest thaw in relations between rival nuclear powers Pakistan and India, both of whom seek to curry favor with the United States; and the very modest moves towards representative government in Palestine, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and the Gulf Emirates.

There have, of course been setbacks including the increasing intransigence of the Iranian regime, their quest to obtain nuclear weapons and promise to “wipe Israel off the map”; the electoral victory of the Hamas terrorist group in the Palestinian occupied territories; the re-emergence of the Hezbollah terrorist group in southern Lebanon; the continued bloodletting by insurgent and militia groups in Iraq; and the stubborn tenacity of the remnants of the deposed Taliban regime in Afghanistan.  These disappointments however do not invalidate the Bush Doctrine so much as demonstrate our enemy’s resistance to it.

Having acknowledged the setbacks we’ve encountered in this global war on Islamic fascism, it is important to keep these events in their proper historical context as wartime setbacks are hardly unique to our current struggle.  For example, late in 1944 after driving the German forces across Europe, the prevailing wisdom among American civilian and military leaders was that they were no longer capable of mounting offensive operations against the allied forces.  In December of 1944, however the Germans unleashed a vicious counter-attack which took the Allies completely by surprise.  This surprise thrust of Hitler’s desperate army into the Ardennes, known to history as the Battle of the Bulge, was pushed back at great cost in American lives.  Likewise, the Pacific war did not end until, in the wake of the bloodbaths of Iwo Jima and Okinawa, the U.S. employed the use of the atomic bomb to end the Japanese will to fight.  Incidentally, the U.S. lost more men during the first three days of the battle for Iwo Jima than she’s lost during five full years of war with Islamic fascists – including Iraq.

Despite these bloody and unexpected setbacks when victory seemed imminent, the “greatest generation” did not lose its nerve and sue for peace, leaving the Nazi party and Japanese Imperialists alive to lick their wounds and fight another day.  Rather they would accept nothing short of complete and final victory; as a result Germany and Japan are among our strongest allies today.

Now contrast that sort of steely determination with later generations: In 1968 the Tet offensive was launched by the North Vietnamese communists against targets throughout South Vietnam.  The goal of this offensive was threefold: 1) to win a series of tactical military victories deep in South Vietnam; 2) to instigate a general uprising of the people in support of the communists; and 3) to affect U.S. public opinion, turning the American people against the war effort.  They failed miserably in their first two goals as the U.S. and allied forces decisively prevailed, virtually eliminating the Viet Cong as an effective fighting force.  And the freedom loving people of South Vietnam rejected the communists by choosing to stand by their elected government and their American sponsors.  They did, however succeed beyond their wildest expectations in their last objective.  Despite the fact that this action was a strategic disaster for the communists, the U.S. media, anti-war activists, and elected Democrats declared the war “un-winnable,” and as a result public opinion turned sharply against the war.  Anti-war Democrat’s would subsequently take control of Congress and withhold funding for the war, effectively handing victory to a largely beaten enemy and ensuring the slaughter of millions by the victorious Communists.

The fact is the U.S. military does not lose wars; they have not even lost a significant battle since the early days of WWII.  This is why the enemy we face in Iraq refuses to take on our troops in a pitched battle.  The only way the U.S. loses is by a lack of will on the part of the civilian leadership – itself usually a byproduct of media driven public opposition.  Our enemies know this.  And as such, they seek not to win battlefield victories, but to manipulate a gullible and nervous Western media establishment.

It is the reason the insurgent’s campaigns seem random and without strategic value.  It is also the reason there is an increase in violence and mayhem in the months leading up to each U.S. election cycle.  And the Democrats, as always heedless of the consequences of their actions, have, since the very beginning of the war on terror, given our enemies hope that their strategy may ultimately work by endlessly criticizing the mission, the troops, and the Commander-in-Chief and thus showing division and a lack of resolve instead of unity of purpose and steadfast determination to our enemies.

Sadly, our allies – both current and potential – also see this lack of resolve in the American political establishment and, as a result, are understandably reluctant to risk openly supporting us.  And recent history tends to justify this reluctance:  They watched as the Korean War ended in stalemate because President Truman refused to take the fight to the Red Chinese.  They watched as President Kennedy launched the Bay of Pigs invasion and saw the U.S. sponsored rebels cut down on the beaches without our help.  They saw us abandon our missions in Beirut and Somalia after suffering a few casualties.  They watched as we abandoned our allies in Vietnam and watched with disinterest as the slaughter raged.  They watched us stop short of complete victory in Desert Storm by negotiating a cease-fire with Saddam, rather than accepting his unconditional surrender; and they saw us incite an uprising among the Shiites and Kurds against the regime in Baghdad only to stand idly by as the enraged dictator unleashed his vengeance on those we encouraged, then abandoned.  And now, true to form the majority party in the U.S. Congress threatens to “re-deploy” our forces away from the crux of the fighting – once again effectively abandoning those we have encouraged to reject fanaticism and in favor of freedom to their fate under whatever reactionary cabal of Islamists fills the power vacuum we leave behind.

I would submit that this is the primary reason we have failed to secure an acceptable level of post-war peace and stability in Iraq, not because we didn’t adhere to the Powell Doctrine – the concept of bringing overwhelming force to bear – by having too few troops on the ground.   Indeed, the war against the regime and the Iraqi military was won in a matter of months; the relative success of the subsequent insurgency in sowing chaos is more likely the result of the understandable reluctance of the Iraqi public to truly believe in the commitment of their liberators to stay until we are no longer needed than a lack of troops on the ground.

The phenomenon of many Iraqis sitting on the fence waiting to see who wins this current battle (the forces of freedom or those of terror) rather than openly supporting their own cause is the inevitable result of the morally bankrupt realist school of foreign policy.  The realist’s paradox is that the more we elevate stability over freedom by supporting dictators, monarchs, and oligarchs in the Middle East, the more resentful and suspicious of the U.S. commitment to liberty the people of the region become.  It is a self-perpetuating cycle of tyranny which the Bush Doctrine was designed to break once and for all.  The post-election re-emergence of the realists from Bush the Elder’s foreign policy team threatens to further undermine the U.S. commitment to the spread of democracy in the Middle East and validates those would-be reformers in Iraq who kept a low profile for fear of being betrayed by a cynical and cowardly U.S political establishment.

After the attacks of September 11, 2001, President Bush announced a new direction for U.S. foreign policy: no longer would the U.S. cynically support pliable dictators – as they oppressed their people – for the sake of regional stability.  This new foreign policy was, by definition dependant upon an unwavering commitment to the spread of democracy by the U.S. as freedom movements in places such as Iraq are wholly dependant upon strong support by the West.  With the U.S. sending clear signals of its pending departure from the region and the fight, we will see an increasing number of Iraqi’s abandon the concept of democracy and choose, in a desperate bid for self-preservation if not conviction, between the competing sects and militia groups as the nation and inevitably the region descend into chaos.  The likely victors in this looming bloodbath will be those most willing and able to sow carnage without conscience: namely the Iranian-backed Shiite-Islamic radicals or the al-queda-backed Sunni-Islamist radicals.  This will be a disaster for U.S. national security.

If the history of relations between the West and Islam can teach us anything it is the fact that Islam is a universal and expansionist ideology, and that the rare periods of relative peace between the two cultures are defined by the ascendancy of the West in military terms.  That is, when Islam feels weak in relation to the West, jihad enters a period of hibernation until it feels emboldened again by Western weakness.

All of the former Christian lands in the Middle East, North Africa, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe were conquered by the armies of Islam during expansionist periods.  Western Europe, on the other hand was spared on a number of occasions through military victories in such famous battles as Poitiers, where the Franks under Charles Martel defeated the Muslims in 8th century France; at Lepanto, where the combined navies of the “Holy League” routed the Turks in the Ionian Sea; during the Crusades where the Christian West finally brought the fight to the Muslims’ home turf; and the Reconquista, where the Christians armies of Spain finally pushed the forces of Islam across the Straight of Gibraltar and out of Europe.

In the 20th century, the allied victory in WWI destroyed the remnants of the Islamic Ottoman Empire and ushered in a brief historical period of peace between the two cultures.  This period ended in the 1970’s when President Carter allowed a motley crew of Radical Islamic students (possibly including the current “President” of Iran) to humiliate the United States by occupying our Embassy in Tehran and holding American hostages for 444 days.  This single incident (helped by the above referenced retreats by the West) is responsible for the re-emergence of the expansionist Islamic mindset.

The current threat of retreat from the Middle East by the Democrat’s and their Realist allies in the State Department, Media, and now, sadly, the Pentagon under the new Secretary of Defense (who apparently favors dialogue with the Mullahs of Iran who are responsible for much of the carnage in Iraq) will serve to dramatically embolden the forces of jihad, aid their recruitment efforts, and discourage moderate Muslims from resisting.  It will also cause them to be even more aggressive in their attacks on a weak and timid West.

This weakness will be even more pronounced going forward as the President and his Democratic allies in the “open borders” crowd intend to leave the door wide open to infiltrators into the United States and the Democratic majority on Capital Hill will oppose every sensible domestic security measure the law enforcement community requires to keep us safe from attack.

The aggressive forward deployment of U.S. forces and the unwavering commitment to destroying our Islamist enemies while simultaneously building up the institutions of democracy in the Middle East, and defending the territorial integrity of the United States is the only realist-ic formula for victory in the war on terror.  The alternative, weakness, retreat, and betrayal embolden our enemies while undermining the very democratic movements required to “drain the swamp” of radical Islamists.

None of the setbacks we have thus far endured are necessarily fatal if the principles of the Bush Doctrine are applied prudently, firmly, and universally.  And lest we forget Iran, Syria, North Korea, and China are watching.  What message would retreat send to them?

Posted in Islam and Terrorism | Leave a comment

The Mid-Term Elections (November 2006)

Tuesday November 7, 2006 is Election Day and many polls and pundits are suggesting that the Republican faithful may sit this one out, effectively handing control of Congress to the leftist’s who dominate the Democratic Party.  The most disheartening aspect of this phenomenon may be the readiness of some conservative leaders to aid those whose interests lie in suppressing conservative turnout by encouraging this sort of spiteful response by the rank and file in its effort to punish Republicans.   .

Among the reasons for this rebellion among conservative voters is disillusionment with the President’s amnesty plan for illegal aliens, excessive federal spending, the expansion of the Medicare program, the attack on the 1st Amendment known as campaign finance reform, and the seemingly endless cycle of violence in Iraq and the resulting toll it has taken in American blood and treasure.  That the Bush Administration is on the wrong side of most of these issues is indeed troubling and I must admit that during the height of the immigration debate earlier this summer, I too was ready to revolt; In fact I sent this letter to the White House and R.N.C. the morning after watching the President’s speech in May:

May 18, 2006

Dear Mr. President:

You’ve finally done it.  You have finally succeeded in driving away one of your staunchest supporters (and defenders) after six plus years of loyalty.  I supported you, Mr. President, in spite of repeated betrayals of what I thought were our shared values because I felt you were the best man to secure and defend our homeland; but I am afraid that has now changed. In fact, just this morning, after reading the transcript of your speech on immigration, I went out to my driveway and removed the Bush-Cheney 2004 bumper stickers from my car.  They are now an embarrassment to my wife and me.

Your refusal to defend and protect our borders from invasion is a direct violation of your oath of office and is, in my opinion, tantamount to treason. Your betrayal of your countrymen in favor of foreign nationals and their corrupt and hostile government is not an act which I, as an American citizen and loyal Republican, am prepared to overlook.  Your collusion with the corrupt Mexican government against your fellow citizens in the Minutemen Project; your refusal to acknowledge or address the armed attacks on law enforcement officers by Mexican troops and drug gangs; and your apparent lack of concern for our border communities that are being over-run are a disgrace and a dereliction.  Your woefully inadequate plan to stop a few lawbreakers at the border, while rewarding those who elude interdiction with a path to citizenship is as ludicrous and incoherent an immigration policy as it is insulting to my intelligence; so much for the straight-talking Texan.

Your patronizing declaration that illegal immigrants fill jobs here that Americans will not is quite simply wrong: they only depress wages and take jobs from the most vulnerable American workers.  Not only does this condescending attitude force countless Americans into unemployment, it also condemns the illegal workers you apparently prefer to a de-facto second-class citizen status similar to that which they suffered in Mexico.  These illegal aliens put a drain on our social safety-net (which you saw fit to expand), and on our schools and hospitals which are overwhelmed and in some cases closing their doors.  And to add insult to injury, the simple middle-class, taxpaying working stiffs who play by the rules are forced to foot the bill even while we struggle to support our own families.

Mr. President, in a previous and less cynical age, one of your predecessors, Woodrow Wilson, in response to similar provocations from Mexico, sent the United States’ Army under General Pershing to secure our border and protect our citizens; your response, nothing short of surrender, is a betrayal to his legacy of patriotism; and to your own.

If, Mr. President, the plan you and the elitists of both parties in the U.S. Senate support becomes law, I will do something I have not done since becoming eligible to vote: I will stay home on Election Day and watch the G.O.P. lose control of Congress.  This, I hope will encourage my Party to re-evaluate its priorities and find a new standard-bearer who will put his country before his friends in Corporate America:  A man like Ronald Reagan.

But something funny happened on “the path to citizenship;” the stalwart conservatives in the U.S. House of Representatives – led by the likes of Tom Tancredo, J.D. Hayworth, and my own Pete King – led the charge against this travesty of justice and killed the proposal while passing the Bill authorizing the construction of a 700 mile wall along our southern border.  Are we now to punish these conservative leaders for their courageous and successful stand in defense of U.S. national sovereignty?  There are many reasons why conservatives must go out in droves to the polls on Election Day.  Let me touch on just a few.

The War:

One of the hallmarks of the American Conservative movement is its rigorous defense of the great Western Judeo-Christian tradition; in contrast, the multi-cultural, post-modern liberalism which has taken over the Democratic Party is openly hostile to this tradition and as such cannot be trusted to mount a defense against those forces determined to destroy that tradition.

 

During the Vietnam War (after the drubbing our forces inflicted on the V.C. and N.V.A. during the Tet Offensive) President Nixon ordered an acceleration of the U.S. attacks on the North and forced our enemies to accept a negotiated peace on terms relatively favorable for the U.S. and our South Vietnamese allies.  The key to this deal was continued American support (air, logistical, and financial) for the South.  However, in the wake of the Watergate scandal anti-war Democrats took control of Congress and promptly withheld all funding for our allies in South Vietnam.  The result was one of the worst humanitarian disasters of the 20th century:  within months the NVA swept through South Vietnam slaughtering and displacing millions of innocent freedom loving human beings while turning our partial victory into ignominious defeat.  Concurrently with the communist victory in Vietnam, the Khmer Rouge communists in neighboring Cambodia, emboldened by the abdication of the West of its commitment to defend liberty swept into power and through purges, slaughter, and willful starvation killed literally millions of innocents.  I mention this for a simple reason: history has a tendency to repeat itself.

No matter how you feel about the reasons for invading Iraq, now that we are there it is essential that we win this war for the sake of the innocent Iraqi people, regional stability, and the maintenance of U.S. credibility.  A Democratic takeover of Congress today will result in a precipitous pullout of U.S. forces from the Middle East (Charlie Rangel has already threatened to cut off funding.)  This will have a number of dire consequences:  The elected Iraqi government will in all likelihood collapse; it will embolden the terror-sponsoring regimes in Iran and Syria and lead to turmoil in the broader Middle East; it will give the forces of jihad a stranglehold on the world’s oil supply and with it a steady stream of revenue with which to fund attacks on the West; it will rejuvenate the now reeling global terrorist movement in much the same way the U.S. pullouts in Beirut and Somalia did; and the militant Islamic jihadist’s now flooding into Iraq to take on the U.S. military will be free to turn their attention to defenseless U.S. cities.  The “domino effect” notwithstanding, our enemies in the Vietnam War did not follow us home.

Immigration:

While President Bush is a staunch advocate of blanket amnesty for the estimated 12-20 million illegal immigrants in the U.S. today, it is important to remember two points: 1) he is not on the ballot this year; and 2) his allies in this effort are not Republican’s, the overwhelming majority of whom voted against his plan, but Democrats who voted overwhelmingly in favor of it.  Should the Democrats achieve majority status on Capital Hill, rest assured amnesty will be the law of the land and the border wall will not be built.

Judges:

Congressional Democrat’s and liberal judges have been working overtime to hamper the national security and anti-terror efforts of our government by blocking vital programs and creating new rights for terrorist suspects outside of all previously accepted legal norms.  And court’s throughout the country have been re-writing or ignoring the Constitution when ruling on such issues as abortion, gay marriage, the Pledge of Allegiance, flag burning, and the Ten Commandments.  It is vital that the people, through their elected representatives and the legislative process make these decisions rather than a cabal of un-elected and unaccountable judges with lifetime tenure.  If the Democrat’s take control of the U.S. Senate they will ensure that elitist, activist judges impose their will on us all to the detriment of our system of representative democracy.

Taxes/Economy:

As a direct result of Republican tax and economic policies our country has seen rigorous economic expansion, historically low unemployment, low interest rates, tame inflation, and booming stock and housing markets.  This remarkable record has been achieved in spite of an inherited recession, the attacks of 9/11, two wars, and the worst natural disaster in American history.  A Democratic takeover of Congress would render the Administration’s economic policies ”dead on arrival” on Capital Hill and result inevitably in higher taxes, higher unemployment, and slower economic growth.  If you feel as I do that federal spending and the U.S. budget deficit are way too high, just think how much worse it will get once tax and spend liberals like Charlie Rangel control the purse strings.

The issues that our country faces in the next few years are just too important to register your disapproval of this or that specific policy of the Bush Administration by staying home in protest on Election Day.  It is vital that we conservatives get out and vote Republican because the future of our Republic is too important for “sending messages” by handing control of Congress to liberal Democrats. Such a self-righteous exercise in ideological preening is not only self-defeating but also irresponsible and ultimately dangerous

Posted in Economics, Elections and Politics, Immigration, Islam and Terrorism | Leave a comment

Cindy Sheehan – With a Buzz-cut (October 2006)

On October 19, 2006 ex-Army Ranger Kevin Tillman wrote a bizarre, rambling op-ed piece for the “progressive” web-site truthdig.com in which he accused the Bush Administration of, among other things, engaging in an illegal war, tolerating torture, subverting the Constitution, and suspending Habeas Corpus. As is typical of the raving goofballs on the America hating left, none of these charges were supported by a shred of evidence; nor do any of them stand up under even cursory scrutiny.

Tillman, the brother of Pat Tillman, the ex-NFL great who was killed in a tragic “friendly-fire” incident in Afghanistan in 2004 while deployed there with the U.S. Army Rangers is obviously and understandably bitter about the loss of his brother and especially angry about the manner in which the incident was subsequently bungled (ostensibly for public relations reasons) by the U.S. military.  My purpose here is not to defend the Pentagon’s actions vis-à-vis the handling of that incident, or to dishonor his brother’s noble sacrifice, but rather to refute the scurrilous charges for which Kevin Tillman has taken it upon himself to indict the Bush Administration, the U.S military and law-enforcement communities.

In his piece Tillman blasts the war in Iraq as illegal, but in reality it was anything but:

  • By the eve of Operation Iraqi Freedom, the regime of Saddam Hussein was in direct and verifiable violation of no less than 16 U.N. Resolutions including 1441 which warned of “serious consequences” for continued defiance of international law;
  • The Iraq Liberation Act of 1998, passed by Congress and signed into law by President Clinton states “It should be the policy of the U.S. to support efforts to remove the regime headed by Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq and to promote the emergence of a democratic government to replace that regime”;
  • Joint Resolution 114 which passed both houses of the U.S. Congress and was signed by President Bush reads: “The President is authorized to use the U.S. armed forces as he determines to be necessary and appropriate in order to defend the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq”;
  • On February 28 1991, the ceasefire which halted the coalition’s offensive hostilities during Operation Desert storm took effect.  A ceasefire, it is important to stress, is a temporary stoppage of a war, pursuant to the adherence by both sides to the terms agreed upon therein. Legally speaking then, the 1991 Iraq war never ended and the 2003 campaign was, in part, a response to the Iraqi regime’s repeated violations of the ceasefire agreement.  These violations included Iraq’s shooting at U.S. jets patrolling the no-fly zones in northern and southern Iraq.

He asserts that “our elected leaders were subverting international law and humanity by setting up secret prisons around the world, secretly kidnapping people, secretly holding them indefinitely, secretly not charging them with anything, secretly torturing them (sic).”  One would think he was describing the terrorists who kidnapped and beheaded Daniel Pearl or Nick Berg, but rather, he referred to the pseudo-scandals created by the leftist allies of international terrorists at the N.Y. Times such as the C.I.A. prisons, Abu-Graib, and Guantanamo Bay.

The very idea that terrorists captured on foreign battlefields during war time and held on foreign soil are subject to the habeas corpus protections of the U.S. Constitution are as dangerous to our national security as they are absurd legally: By virtue of the Geneva Conventions, the U.S. Constitution (Article II), and all relevant Supreme Court decisions on the subject, The President, as Commander in Chief has the authority to detain “unlawful enemy combatants” without arraignment, indictment, or trial for the duration of armed hostilities for the purpose of intelligence gathering and to keep said combatants off the battlefield.  Moreover, every war-time President in U.S. history has exercised this right.  This is not an attack on the Bill of Rights or an illegal innovation by the Bush Administration.

And the odious slander about the U.S engaging in torture is not only patently false, but is also a propaganda boost for our enemies.  Apparently, Mr. Tillman could not focus his anger at those Islamic barbarians sawing off the heads of bound captives, torturing to death captured U.S. soldiers, or flying planes into buildings in the United States; rather, he reserved his indignation for the juvenile pranksters who placed women’s panties on the head of a captured terrorist; He not only calls this type of behavior torture but then blames the President for it to boot!

In a vulgar display of bitterness and cynicism, Tillman also criticizes the practice of “having a five year old kindergartener scribble a picture with a crayon and send it overseas…”, wondering why a “soldier on his third or fourth tour should care about a drawing from a five year old.”  Perhaps he would prefer we parents bring our toddlers to the airport to spit on soldiers returning from battle overseas rather than teaching them to honor and support them in their brave endeavor.

I, like all American’s of good will am truly sorry for the loss suffered by the Tillman family and grateful for the service they have provided to our country; however, by exploiting his brother’s death, much like Cindy Sheehan, and attacking, for political purposes, the very men and women whose policies have kept the terrorist menace from our shores for five long years, Kevin Tillman has chosen to undermine those very policies, thus endangering all of our lives.  In this, he must not go unchallenged.  And lest anyone should feel Mr. Tillman is above criticism for his subversive and borderline treasonous attack on the President and our brave men and women serving nobly overseas because he himself wore the uniform, I’ll remind you that Benedict Arnold was a hero in the Continental Army before he betrayed his country by siding with the enemy.   The truth is, by implementing the policies advocated by the likes of Kevin Tillman the President would be not only unnecessarily endangering our troops on foreign battlefields but would also be exponentially increasing the risk of another catastrophic attack on the U.S. homeland by Islamic terrorists.

Posted in Islam and Terrorism | Leave a comment

Abortion and the Universality of Virtue (October 2006)

In the decades old debate over abortion there are two main issues to contemplate – one legal, the other moral.  With respect to the moral considerations there are two distinct schools of thought: those who believe in universal moral principles authored by God and those who posit that morality is a wholly human construct.  With respect to the legal question there are those who support the integrity of the Constitution and the intent of its framers, and those who do not.

Both of our nation’s founding documents spell out certain human rights they consider universal.  Neither these documents nor their author’s ever claimed to have created these rights, rather that our government was formed to secure and protect them.  Natural Law or human rights are granted to man by God, not by governments, international treaties, or even by consensus – let alone gestalt.  Take, for example the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: suppose a particular country is not a signatory to this treaty; does it follow that people in that country have no claim to human rights?  If they do in fact still have rights, then on who’s authority?  To argue that natural rights were developed by man is a non sequitur: the word “natural” (according to Merriam-Webster) means to be based on an inherent sense of right and wrong; it is, by definition, then, not a man-made construct.  To argue otherwise is base relativism, which I reject root and branch.

In the relativists’ worldview there is no such thing as “universal values”, but as C.S. Lewis argued in his great debunking of relativism “The Abolition of Man”, virtually every civilization in history has shared certain immutable core values which serve as the foundation of each disparate society.  This is true even when there was little or no prior contact between these civilizations.  In other words these same values developed separately, if not concurrently in each civilization without influence from the others. In this light the proposition that morality is a “contract” of sorts between men seems dubious at best.

Lewis cites as an example the striking similarities between the teachings of Moses, Plato, Jesus, Confucius, Buddha, and other great moral philosophers.  (Conspicuously absent from his essay is any mention of Mohammad; however he does cite laws and customs of pre-Islamic Arabia and Persia.  The reason for this omission is that many of the Prophet’s teachings stand in diametric opposition to those of history’s great moral teachers.)

Lewis argues that to question the validity of fundamental and universal value judgments, such as the sanctity of life, is self-contradictory, and thus self-invalidating.  Do relativists not value multiculturalism or women’s rights?  If so, they acknowledge values do exist, do they not?  And if so, an objective value of life itself must precede all others.  How can the relativist embrace a subjective approach to values until a conflict arises with a particular value to which they subscribe?  At that point the relativist becomes, conveniently and temporarily, a believer in objective value and seeks to impose that value on others (usually through a court decree rather than through the legislative process.)

The great Moral Philosopher Sir Thomas Browne wrote: “Think not that morality is ambulatory; that vices in one age are not vices in another; or that virtues, which are under the everlasting seal of right reason, may be stamped by opinion.”  This defense of traditional morality as understood in every civilization in history was written more than one hundred years before the philosophers of the French Enlightenment (as opposed to the contemporaneous American and English movements) first elevated man above God in their misguided belief in the perfectibility of man and the related search for a utopian system which guaranteed equality.  The inevitable and catastrophic result of this fundamental misunderstanding of human nature was the French revolution, the reign of terror, the Napoleonic wars, and all the subsequent and ultimately barbaric “humanist” political movements of the 20th century: communism, socialism, and fascism.

These relativist movements are common in human history.  During the time of Socrates, one of the father’s of Western civilization, there were the Sophist’s who, much like modern litigators, elevated the art of persuasion over the search for truth.  And in our own time the baby-boomer’s, hippies, and pseudo-intellectuals who, in their arrogance and vanity, have undertaken man’s latest attempt at redefining morality as subjective, amorphous, and relative – a human construct, they suggest, differing based on the various mores in each generation or society. Their descent into self-indulgence and relativism have had a lasting and deleterious effect on the world ever since.  A few examples are crime, drug abuse, aids, divorce, abortion, etc.

As the great Moral Philosopher and the Christian apologist suggest, when Nature’s God created the universe with physical laws that govern, for example, the movements of celestial bodies as described by histories greatest science teachers: Galileo, Newton, Einstein, and others, he created also laws of moral certainty that are immutable and absolute.  Histories greatest moral teachers (Jesus, Confucius, Buddha, and others) described these laws.  And just as God’s natural laws are often bent (do not birds fly in defiance of gravity, or man through the principles of propulsion and lift?) so too through the abuse of God’s gift of free will are these moral laws often defied in man’s proclivity for sin.

The relativist of every age refuses to distinguish between good and evil, or to recognize right from wrong.  What they might call rationality, I often see as intellectual laziness, moral vacuity, or open hostility to faith and reason.  When they proclaim the virtue of their open-mindedness, I would caution (to quote Flannery O’Connor) “sometimes people can be so open-minded that their brains fall out.”

With respect to abortion, in particular, the moral relativist, humanist, or “enlightened”, values-neutral, post-modern intellectual is either incapable or unwilling to pass moral judgments upon the brutal practice.  Taken to its logical conclusion, their pro-abortion argument may be compared to that of a sociopath: characterized by a lack of empathy for others, remorselessness, and a tendency to rationalize deviant behavior.  They neither see nor acknowledge any intrinsic value to human life. And having no legitimate ethical or scientific arguments in their favor simply eliminate the condemned child from the equation, coldly sanitizing their position.

One might ask such a person “when is a fetus a baby?” or “At what point is abortion infanticide?” or “If a third trimester abortion is acceptable, what about a fourth trimester (postpartum) abortion?” Any answer they give, were they so inclined would be arbitrary.  Their only method of justification is to de-humanize the child and reduce the procedure to something akin to having a boil lanced, and then take the high moral ground by self-righteously demanding “control of their own bodies,” or claiming privacy or women’s rights.

In fact the barbaric procedure is almost too sadistic to describe, let alone behold. In many abortion procedures the child’s limbs are torn from her body, her skull crushed, and brain sucked out, all without anesthesia.  The various remaining body parts are then scrupulously removed from the uterus, (lest the woman become infected by her child’s decomposing remains) and the child is discarded without ceremony or dignified burial.  The brutal nature of this terrible act should leave no room for fence sitting or equivocation, yet the pro-abortion relativist does precisely that.

In addition to the relativist there is also a category of people who are personally opposed to abortion but support a general “right to choose.”  This is the “see no evil crowd” who would never choose abortion themselves nor allow one by their child and may even be repulsed by the practice, but for fear of ostracism or perhaps a polite refusal to talk about the issue, simply disengage from the debate and feel their conscience clear so long as no blood stains their hands.  These folks can be charitably described as enablers whose refusal to stand and be counted drains what little moral fortitude exists in our elected representatives and hence retains and perpetuates the tragic status-quo.

Turning now to the legal perspective, in a casual reading of our nations founding document’s one will note two references to life: the Declaration of Independence states that his Creator endows man with the unalienable right to life; and in the 5th amendment to the Constitution, the deprivation of life is proscribed absent due process.  These documents were based, in large part, on English common law, the English Bill of Rights, and the various State Constitutions.  Nowhere in any of these sources can be found a preference for or an endorsement of a “woman’s right to choose.”

Furthermore, by virtue of the 10th amendment to the Constitution, which reads “Those powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to the people” the abortion question is one legally within the jurisdiction of the State legislatures, not the federal Courts.  The federal right to abortion is wholly a creation of an overzealous, activist Judiciary acting well outside its Constitutional authority, creating a brand-new right out of thin air.  Fortunately the Framers, in their brilliance, both anticipated and feared this very sort of usurpation of legislative authority by a “Judicial Oligarchy” and checked it with the Constitutional amendment process.

For the sake of restoring constitutional balance and ensuring its long-term viability the U.S. Congress and/or the several States must re-assert their constitutional prerogatives and strike down Roe v. Wade through the amendment process (If the Robert’s Court doesn’t strike first.)  And for the sake of countless precious future lives, the fence sitters in the abortion debate must choose life openly to give their elected officials the political courage to act.  The moral relativist’s, for their part must be made to explain why their position which manifestly runs counter to universal moral values, basic human nature, (A parents instinct to protect their young) the U.S. Declaration of Independence, and Constitution, is the just one.

Posted in Catholicism, Philosophy | Leave a comment

The Moral Code (October 2006)

The existence of a “universal moral code” is a question which has been hotly debated in recent weeks.  In a recent article on the subject Steven D. Laib argued that “morality is what people believe it is.”  The arguments he presents to support his thesis however, are mostly a list of examples of immoral behavior, not behaviors that are moral by some other standard.

For example, he cites the existence of the practice of human sacrifice in history as proof that what we consider unacceptable today, was “once considered proper in certain times and places.”  However, citing the barbaric acts perpetrated by the autocratic elites in a primitive society is not adequate evidence of an “evolving” or “subjective” morality.  I doubt whether the masses in Mesoamerica believed the practice of human sacrifice was culturally acceptable, let alone morally right and proper.  Rather this practice was imposed upon them by the clerics and kings who ruled those societies.  And to the extent that certain individuals were willing to sacrifice themselves in the misguided belief they were serving some greater good, I would argue that would actually be a very noble and even moral act: giving ones own life that another may live is an example of the very highest moral act (in a sense, akin to the willingness of Christ to die for our salvation); this, however does not mean the man who wields the implement of death is behaving morally.

And the fact that a majority of the indigenous people of Central America allied themselves with Cortez and his Conquistadors (and their Catholicism) demonstrates their rejection of the Aztec cult-of-death.  Once the Spaniard’s landed in Montezuma’s backyard, the oppressed people subject to ritualistic human sacrifice at the whim of their masters had a champion to rally ‘round.  Thus, they aided Cortez in the sack of Tenochtitlan.  It matters little that the Spanish, in turn, eventually subjugated the teeming masses (that was simply a lesser evil).

One may cite each and every example of brutality and injustice in history but it is frankly beside the point.  Those of us who argue in favor of a “universal moral code,” authored by God do not believe that man is pre-disposed to behave morally; rather they have an innate sense of what is moral yet tend to choose sin over righteousness.  The belief in the innate goodness of man is pure folly, especially when one attempts to design a political system upon this porous foundation.  A just political system (ours is the closest thing to it in history, though hardly truly just) is built upon the bedrock principles of the universal moral code, no matter how far short of this ideal man tends to fall.

As Dr. Phillip Ellis Jackson pointed out in his essay on the subject, there a variety of reasons why man behaves immorally; poor socialization and mental illness, among them.  I would add that the very belief in the non-existence of a moral code (relativism) could also cloud ones judgment when confronted with a moral choice.  But I would submit that the root cause of most aberrant behavior is the immemorial king of all the deadly sins: pride.  Whether man is elevating himself above God’s laws or the rights of other men, the excessive love of ones self may be the most pernicious and destructive sin of all; and whatever the cause of immoral behavior may be, its mere existence does not preclude the reality of the universal moral code.

The example of the three children Steven Laib uses in his essay is, in reality, not so much an argument against the existence of a universal moral code as a demonstration of differing types of immoral behavior: the school bully who uses force to get what he wants is guilty of both pride and avarice, not a champion of a different moral choice; and the socialist in his example is guilty of the sins of both pride and envy – another example of immorality in practice.  These are not innovators of a new or different morality; they are, in fact demonstrators of immoral behavior.

And the use of Islamic law and custom in reference to a debate on the existence of a universal moral code is simply setting up a straw man: many teachings of Islam, and many of the actions of its Prophet are, in fact egregious violations of the universal moral code, not proof of its non-existence.  If one objectively studies the life and teachings of Mohammad, one cannot be faulted for concluding that his was less a life of virtue than an exercise in vice: he had at least a dozen wives and his favorite, Aisha was reportedly six years old when they were married and nine when the marriage was consummated; he engaged in scores of raids where men, women, and children were killed and property stolen- in fact the Koran actually stipulates how to divide the booty seized in battle; he violently spread his faith through conquest and killed or subjugated those who refused to submit; he ordered the execution of bound prisoners and the death by stoning of adulteresses.  This is why these brutal acts are rampant today in the Islamic world, not because a “peaceful” religion was hijacked by militants.  The act of stoning a woman to death for having sex out-of-wedlock is not moral (in an Islamic context) because Islamic morality differs from ours; it is quite simply immoral.

It matters not how clever or well-intentioned a man or even a generation of men may be, they may not legitimately re-write or alter God’s moral code.  As C.S. Lewis wrote in Mere Christianity, “The first thing to get clear about Christian morality between man and man is that in this department Christ did not come to preach any brand new morality.  The Golden Rule of the New Testament is a summing up of what every one, at bottom, had always known to be right.  Really great moral teachers never do introduce new moralities: it is quacks and cranks who do that.  The real job of every moral teacher is to keep on bringing us back, time after time, to the old simple principles which we are all so anxious not to see.”

The universal moral code is comprised of those beliefs which are shared by most every civilization in history and described by the great prophets, philosophers, and holy men of every age.  For Christians, it was best described by the Sermon on the Mount and has been summed up as “The Golden Rule.”  It was written by God and is the standard by which man will eventually be judged by the same.  What it is not is fungible, arbitrary, or alterable by man.

Alas, this debate may ultimately prove futile for as Lewis stated in The Abolition of Man, one cannot prove the truth of the universal moral code because “its validity cannot be deduced.  For those who do not perceive its rationality, even universal consent cannot prove it.”

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